The False Promise of Presidential Elections in Iran

The Islamic Republic of Iran is just days away from choosing the next President of the country. The Presidential elections are being closely watched across the Western world, particularly the U.S. According to some analysts, the choice made by the Iranian people during the 12 June elections would greatly influence the Iran’s international image and politics for the coming years. In the midst of international anxiety over Iran’s future political leadership, certain intriguing aspects of the country’s domestic politics have escaped popular attention. A closer scrutiny of Iran’s national politics reveals that these are neither elections as democratic nor as groundbreaking as the Western world expects.

 

 

There are four candidates in the Presidential race: Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the incumbent President; Mehdi Karrubi, Foremer Speaker of the Iranian Majils; Mir Hossein Mousavi, last Prime Minister of Iran (1981-1989) and Mohsen Rezaee, Secretary of the expediency Council.
The elections season is marked by television debates, street campaigns and rallies. The ban on Facebook was lifted on 26 May, allowing people to freely exchange views. A Facebook group campaigning for Hossein Mousavi has 5,200 members. SMS messages read: “Vote for Mousavi and send this text to 10 others, if not you will have nightmares.” Â
The obvious impression gathered through these facts would be that the Iranians will elect their next President in an open multi-candidate democratic election. The veiled reality would prove otherwise.
From among the 475 candidates who registered for contesting the Presidential elections only four were approved. Approved by whom? Well approved by the Guardian Council (GC) of Iran. The GC is a 12 member body exercising political and moral oversight. 6 members of the GC are directly appointed by the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and the other 6 can be assumed to be indirectly appointed by him. According to Article 28 of the Parliament Election Law the Presidential candidates are expected to have ‘practical belief in the Islamic faith and Sacred Order of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The GC is entrusted with enforcing this requirement. The authority of the GC is overwhelming given the fact that it can exercise ‘approbatory supervision’, which allows it to even disqualify candidates who have even met the legal qualifications. Here are few reasons for which the applications of the majority of candidates have been rejected: financial corruption, moral corruption, sympathy towards/membership in counter revolutionary group, lacking belief in principles of Islam, ill-repute and lacking belief in the Constitution. Thus in reality the people of Iran make a choice from among a small pool of candidates pre-approved by the higher political authorities. The Iranians have a restricted political choice which defies the basis of democratic governance.
The expectation that Iran’s policies vis-à-vis the U.S. would change if President Ahmadinejad is replaced may soon be belied. Hosseiin Mousavi, the only candidate posing a credible challenge for the incumbent, has stated in an interview with Spiegel that he will not stop Uranium enrichment if elected to power. Moreover, a recent poll shows that the Iranian public does not have a favorable opinion about the U.S. Though most Iranians favor democratic reforms within the country they continue to view the U.S. as a major threat (second only to Israel).
The powers of the GC go much beyond merely approving Presidential candidates; the Council exercises veto over legislations passed by the Majlis (Parliament) and is the final interpreter of the Constitution. In a matter of two years between 2000 and 2002, the GC exercised its veto over 200 legislations passed by the Majlis. So not only is the choice for the Iranian circumscribed, the powers of their elected legislature are also restrained.
One widely misunderstood fact of Iranian politics is the overblown role of the country’s President. Real political power in Iran is wielded by the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. From public squares to flight cockpit doors Khamenei’s portrait graces every corner of the country. A mere glance at Ali Khamenei’s powers would help better comprehend his political clout; he appoints the commanders of the Armed Forces, the director of the National Radio and Television Network, the heads of the major religious foundations, the prayer leaders in city mosques, and the members of national security councils, the Chief Judge, the chief prosecutor, special tribunals and, with the help of the chief judge, the 12 jurists of the GC. The power to declare war or peace and mobilization of Armed Forces rests with the Supreme Leader. Given the fact that real executive, legislative and military powers are vested in Ali Khamenei, the Iranian President’s role in influencing the country’s international image appears highly limited.
Many in the West hope that President Ahmadinejad’s defeated in the upcoming elections could help in improving mutual relations. If Khomeini’s influence is of any consequence in Iran, two developments seem certain. One President Ahmadinejad will be re-elected. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has indicated his backing for President Ahmadinejad. Second, adversial relations between the U.S. and Iran shall continue. At a recent session of Friday prayers in Tehran, some of the worshipers chanted, “Death to America! Long live Khamenei!”