Reinforcement of Armed Power threatens Nepal’s Peace Process

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This recruitment drive is neither for combatants of Al Qaeda or Taliban nor for the Western forces combating terrorism. It’s the enrollment drive of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in Nepal. Had not the Maoists renounced violence and entered the national mainstream by contesting for elections last year? In technical terms the Maoists factions and political parties are involved in a peace process; in practical terms peace is still a far cry in Nepal.

The Third Division of the PLA at Jutpani started a recruitment drive on March 4, in violation the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2006. Only a day before the recruitment got underway P.M. Dahal had assured Nepali Congress President Girija Prasad Koirala that the PLA recruitment drive would be stopped at any cost. The PLA cannot be solely held accountable for the violation, as the crisis was precipitated by the recruitment and induction drive of the National Army since November 2008. Clause 5.1.2 of the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) between the Seven-Party-Alliance government and the CPN-M reads, “Both parties shall not carry on further recruitments.” The CPA was followed by the Agreement on Monitoring and Management of Arms and Armies in December 2006. The Agreement placed the arms and armies of the PLA and National Army under the supervision of the UNMIN. There is also provision for inducting the PLA personnel cleared by the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) into the National Army. In September 2008, President Ram Baran Yadav announced that the integration and rehabilitation of PLA would be complete in six months. The recruitment drives of PLA and National Army are thus an explicit violation of the terms of the peace agreements.

Nevertheless, it needs to be asserted that the peace agreements were attempts at political reconciliation, which failed to adequately address the military dimensions of the conflict. It appears that the Maoist leaders and political parties were more concerned with accessing political authority than addressing the issues of disarmament and reintegration of armed factions. The current phase of PLA-National Army confrontation results from the shortsightedness of the political leadership on each side. Several critical concerns, overlooked by the political agreements, continue to threaten Nepal’s fragile peace process:

The PLA and NA have encountered each other as enemies for a decade. How can former antagonists, each with the psyche of a victory reconcile willingly?

Can the guerrilla forces adapt to the discipline and techniques of the regular army?

How will the issues of command and rank positions of personnel in the PLA juxtapose to the command structure of the National army?

Can the politically and ideologically motivated members of the PLA operate under conditions of political neutrality demanded by the National Army?

Political indecisiveness has further complicated the process of reconciliation in the country. While the leaders are busy wrangling for political spoils, the PLA and National Army are poised for a confrontation. Chief of Nepal Army General Rookmangud Katawal has stated that Nepal Army will not be able to accommodate politically indoctrinated soldiers as it is a well-regimented and apolitical formation.  The Maoists have refurbished their military wing under name of The Youth Communist League (YCL). The YCL, launched during the People’s War, was reactivated in 2006 comprising of former Maoist fighters who have an interest in politics and has been involved in several incidents of instigating violence. This show of armed might has caught the imagination of other political outfits in Nepal with Madhesi Youth Force and UML Youth Force coming into existence. While the leadership is busy wrangling for political spoils, the country appears headed for a showdown of armed might.