Emergence of ‘New Bargainers’ in South Asia - II

Maoists as ‘new bargainers’ in Nepal

The Community Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M) spearheaded the People’s War against the Monarchy in Nepal since 1996. The CPN-M shares its ideological philosophy with the tenets of Mao’s Communism and aspired to establish ‘people’s democracy’ in Nepal by overthrowing the monarchy and feudal elements dominating Nepal’s polity and society. Lenin and Mao’s communist ideology was contextualized as the “Prachanda Path” – politico-social philosophy elucidated by the party’s Chief Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda). The Maoists had adopted the tactic of guerilla rebellion to realize their objectives in Nepal leading to a decade of armed struggle between People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Government forces. Approximately 13,000 people lost heir lives and more than 100,000 were displaced in the PLA-National Army confrontation.

The declaration of emergency King Gaynendra in 2005 provided the opportunity for the Maoist forces to close ranks with the political parties in a bid to overthrow the Monarch. In December 2005, the Seven Party Alliance and the Maoists signed 12 point understanding whereby the latter agreed to give up arms and commit to the system of multiparty democracy. Consultations between the SPA and CPN-M resulted in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2006, which outlined the proposals for inducting the Maoists into the national mainstream. The April 2008 elections to the Constituent Assembly heralded the first major democratic victory for the Maoists, when the CPN-M emerged as the single largest party. Ensuing political consultations led to the appointment of Pushpa Kamal Dahal as Nepal’s first Communist Prime Minister.

The transition of CPN-M from a guerilla force to a political party heading the process of Constitution making in Nepal is commendable; but its transformation continues to remain a matter of intense concern. An overview of the CPN-M’s performance thus far reveals that the Maoists have pushed for and secured some hard bargains.

The initial meeting ground between the political parties and the Maoists was their common opposition to the Monarch’s despotism; strangely their first issue of disagreement emerged with regard to the abolition of the Monarchy. In September 2007, the Maoists withdrew from the interim government demanding the immediate abolition of Monarchy. Though the political parties were disinclined towards the Monarchy as well, the final decision was expected to be made by the popularly elected Constituent Assembly (CA), reflecting the will of the people. There is little doubt that the popular verdict would have favored the abolition of Monarchy; the Maoist strategy of imposing decisions instead of facilitating discussions set a dangerous precedent.

Following the failure to get their preferred candidates elected as President and Vice-President of Nepal, the Maoists threatened not to form the Government after the April 2008 CA elections. The CPN-M demanded a pledge from other political parties that the Maoist agenda would get priority in the new Common Minimum Programme and a written commitment that the Maoist Government would continue for at least two years. In the face of non-compliance by other political parties, the CPN-M was quick to alter strategy.

The CPN-M has assumed an impressive demeanor of consultation and assurances, while its surrogates continue to realize the more aggressive tenets of the Communist ideology. The trade unions affiliated to the CPN-M, the Young Communist League and to a certain extent the PLA are moving ahead with their respective agendas, which are in direct conflict with the norms of democratic governance. Attack on media, interference with the traditional socio-religious practices, disruption of law and order and attempts at creating parallel administration are few instances of how the Maoist cadre continues to enforce its agenda, while the leadership dawns the democratic mantel.

The Maoists as ‘new bargainers’ have been quick to comprehend the strengths and weaknesses of the democratic system and have used it to their advantage. The CPN-M has realized that ‘democratic majorities’ have access to certain privileges which can be harnessed to achieve their political objectives. The protests by other mainstream political parties are accepted merely as the voice of opposition existing in every modern democracy.  By referring to the 12-point SPA-Maoist Agreement as obsolete, P.M. Dahal seeks to redefine the original bargaining positions to his advantage. The ‘new bargainers’ have managed to marginalize the National Congress and other political parties in Nepal; a possible precursor to redefining the mainstream itself. Despite the induction of the Maoists into the political mainstream Nepal has failed to create an inclusive polity thereby endangering the process of Constitution making.